Author: Dr. Uzma Khatoon
The Indian public sphere was recently disrupted by the regressive and misogynistic declarations of Kerala’s Grand Mufti and prominent traditional Sunni leader, Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliyar. Speaking at the Hubbul Rasool conference in Kochi, the Grand Mufti defended a controversial circular issued by the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama (A.P. faction) which instructed local mahalls and madrasas not to exhibit or place women on public stages alongside men during Milad festivities. Pushing this retrogressive stance further, Kanthapuram asserted that bringing women into the public sphere would lead to “great destruction” and claimed that Islam mandated strict seclusion (purdah) to prevent it. To justify this patriarchal containment, he offered an absurd analogy comparing women to a “gold necklace” kept locked inside a cupboard, box, and heavy wrappings, contrasting it with a roadside stone grinder that people step over. According to his feudal logic, if a woman’s beauty or presence is left in the open public space, everyone will touch it until its value and beauty are destroyed. Under the paternalistic guise of “honor and protection,” this mindset dictates that women must remain confined within four walls, stripped of their public identity, professional aspirations, and fundamental liberties.
Such regressive declarations which attempt to force women into permanent domestic confinement under the polite label of respect deserve absolute condemnation. When viewed through the lens of authentic Islamic principles, the true core of the Quran, and early historical documentation, this kind of patriarchal gatekeeping is proven to be entirely contrary to the foundational teachings of Islam. The persistent claim that Islamic scripture inherently mandates the perpetual subjugation or seclusion of women relies on a distorted, human-manipulated reading of religious texts. Traditionalist gatekeepers frequently weaponize isolated patriarchal edicts while ignoring the overarching ethical vision of their own faith. In truth, the Quran does not endorse female confinement or absolute male supremacy. Instead, true Islamic teachings emphasize Tawhid (the absolute oneness of God), which establishes that no human being holds the right to claim sovereignty, ownership, or superiority over another based simply on gender. Treating women as private property or domestic chattel directly violates the spiritual essence of the religion. Furthermore, looking back at the formative era of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), history bears witness to a profound recognition of dignity; figures like Khadija (RA) a highly successful international merchant alongside prominent political advisors and participants like Umm Salamah and Nusaybah bint Ka’ab, actively shaped early Islamic civilization with full legal, financial, and public independence.
Kanthapuram repeatedly invoked the authority of the Holy Quran, yet the text itself demonstrates that women were never erased from public visibility. The foundational Quranic requirement is mutual modesty, applying equally to both genders. For instance, Surah An-Nur (verse 24:30) instructs believing men to lower their gaze and guard their chastity before women are even addressed, followed immediately by verse 24:31 which extends the same guidance to believing women alongside instructions on covering. Similarly, authentic Hadith literature sets strict standards of modesty for men, ranging from behavioral boundaries to prohibitions against vanity and pompous display. Modesty was never meant to be a female-only burden; it governs the behavior and bodies of men alike. Nowhere in these passages, or anywhere else in the Quran, is there an injunction barring women from participating in public life.
Across the contemporary Muslim world, women continuously disprove these restrictive notions through leadership. Nations like Pakistan elected Benazir Bhutto as Prime Minister making her the first female leader of a Muslim-majority nation while Bangladesh has seen decades of prominent female leadership. Furthermore, Indonesia elected a female president in Megawati Sukarnoputri, Singapore was led for six years by a practicing Muslim woman, Halimah Yacob, and Malaysia saw Wan Azizah Wan Ismail serve as Deputy Minister. Crucially, in India, Muslim women have continuously broken barriers across the political spectrum, serving both historically and in contemporary times. Prominent figures range from historical parliamentarians like Maimoona Sultan (2nd and 3rd Lok Sabha), Mofida Ahmed (elected in 1957 from Assam), and former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, Lok Sabha MP Iqra Hasan, senior leader Mohsina Kidwai, Odisha MLA Sofia Firdous, Delhi Haj Committee Chairperson Kausar Jahan, and political leader Dr. Sameena Begum. Furthermore, women across various Islamic societies regularly teach in religious seminaries, issue theological rulings, serve as judges, and hold parliamentary seats. When extremist groups like the Taliban enforce total bans on secondary education and silence women in public, they are not practicing pure Islam; rather, they are blending rigid textual misreadings with restrictive tribal codes of honor and control—a model soundly rejected by mainstream Muslim scholars globally.
Intersectionality, and Daily Survival
To understand the true cost of this clerical dogmatism, one must look through the lens of marginalized communities. In the contemporary Indian context, the journey toward full empowerment requires addressing the harsh realities faced by Backward Muslim women, who represent the vast majority of the Muslim population in the country. Pasmanda women bear a grueling “triple burden” of inequality, being marginalized not only because of their gender but also due to their economic status and vulnerable position within community social hierarchies.
For a Pasmanda woman, empowerment is never an abstract theoretical debate; it is a relentless daily struggle for basic dignity, quality education, and economic survival. While privileged clerics preach domestic confinement from comfortable platforms, Pasmanda and working-class women have been working outside their homes for centuries out of sheer economic necessity toiling in agricultural fields, construction sites, artisan workshops, and informal labor markets. They carry the heaviest burdens of physical labor while navigating complex prejudices from both inside and outside their communities.
Therefore, any truly inclusive social movement must put the voices of Pasmanda women at the center, moving far beyond elite “respectability politics” where only privileged voices are heard. The focus must shift toward grassroots leadership, economic independence, and practical tools that help break free from restrictive social structures. When a woman becomes economically self-reliant, she gains the power to negotiate her position within the family and society. Here, the Indian Constitution acts as a powerful shield and facilitator, guaranteeing fundamental rights through Articles 14, 15, and 21 ensuring equality before the law, prohibition of gender discrimination, and the right to life with personal dignity. Freedom of religion can never be weaponized to subvert gender justice or curtail constitutional liberties.
Progressive Resistance, and Social Reform
To fully contextualize the ongoing public debates surrounding senior traditionalist figures like Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliyar—including discussions arising from his institutional footprint and engagements with national leadership one must examine the broader political philosophy of global traditional Sunni scholarship. Unlike radical groups seeking confrontation, mainstream Sunni Ulama have historically focused on moral education and spiritual purification, viewing governance through the lens of stability and public order. Within the Indian democratic context, this pragmatic tradition aligns harmoniously with a constitutional framework that guarantees fundamental rights and robust avenues for justice. Consequently, true progress is achieved not through self-defeating alienation, but via constructive engagement within democratic norms.
Importantly, Kanthapuram’s regressive stance did not go unchallenged; rather, it sparked an overwhelming wave of principled condemnation and robust resistance from across India’s religious, political, and social spectrum. Progressive voices powerfully exposed the deep flaws of orthodox clerical gatekeeping. For instance, Dr. V.P. Suhaib Moulavi, the chief priest of Thiruvananthapuram’s Palayam Juma Masjid, strongly refuted the remarks during his Friday sermon, citing Quranic verses and Hadith to affirm that Islam has never forbidden women from public engagement.
Political leaders across party lines joined this chorus of rejection. Opposition leader V.D. Satheesan criticized the mindset as unfit for a modern society, while leaders like K.K. Shailaja and P.K. Sreemathy denounced it as an outdated feudal custom. Furthermore, political figures like Rajeev Chandrasekhar underscored that every woman possesses the absolute constitutional right to live and lead with dignity. Facing this fierce multi-front backlash, even conservative quarters urged calm, proving that civil society and progressive religious voices will no longer tolerate patriarchal attempts to push women into the shadows.
Ultimately, true social progress and gender justice for Muslim women are being triumphantly shaped by combining constitutional safeguards, grassroots Pasmanda empowerment, and an internal reform rooted in the genuinely equitable, compassionate, and progressive spirit of early Islam.
About the Author:
Dr. Uzma Khatoon is a Post-Doctoral Fellow in the Department of Islamic Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
